Engerman and Robert E.
His infamous announcement speech on June 16, set the tone for the next eighteen months of his campaign, one plagued by revelations of sexual assaultracial discriminationand the occasional frequent retweets of white supremacist propaganda and conspiracy theories.
I wish that were true. I also wish I had a million dollars. If the exit polling is to be believed, by far the most reliable indicators of support for Trump were race, gender, and religious background.
The root of that conviction, as the narrative goes, is the very real economic impact felt by the white working class, and especially white working class men, as the United States began to shift away from an industrialized economy in the late twentieth century.
On top of that, as the New Republic pointed out only a week after the election, the white working class was by no means the only white voting demographic to swing heavily for Trump.
In fact, as Vice noted shortly after the election as well, Trump won nearly every conceivable demographic of white voters, from white women to white college graduates. By targeting those voters in swing districts in key states like Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania with laser-like precisionTrump was able to patch together an electoral victory despite a record loss in the popular vote.
These were years when the Republican Party came increasingly to rely on appeals to the racial fears of white conservative voters for electoral victories. They were also years when the communities targeted by Trump achieved a series of halting and gradual advances in the direction of social progress.
Like Trump, his predecessors in the Oval Office were not operating in a vacuum. They were behaving in ways that were not only tolerated but encouraged by their society at large. They rose to prominence in a nation that taught them that the key to American success was the exercise of political, social, and economic power by white, Protestant men, men like them, an exercise in the exclusion of groups without that power.
It was a lesson that began before their nation existed and continues into the present, not as an outlier or undercurrent but as the very fabric of American national identity and power relations in the United States.
The roots of American identity can be found in that of Europeans in early colonial America, which was triangulated in terms of race, class, and gender. Then, these groups, in the eyes of those white men, needed to be feared, hated, and controlled for those power structures to remain in force.
This system of racial and gendered exploitation provided white men with the motivation and justification to continue perpetrating acts of enslavement, imperial expansion, and sexual violence, acts that provided a series of self-replicating economic and social benefits.
Indeed, a number of historians argue that racial fears of slave uprising and Indian attack that developed during the colonial period were primary causes of the rebellion, fears that were specifically named in the Declaration of Independence as motivating factors.
Courtesy of the Library of Congress. In the postwar period, the same elite white men whose fear had inspired the rebellion began to redefine themselves and newly define their nation in the interest of both maintaining the political, economic, and social benefits they enjoyed under the British Empire and bringing together a group of less than united states.
The idea that all were created equal fueled the growth of the anti-slavery and suffrage movements. Southern evangelicals gained more congregants by preaching against the spiritual liberation of slaves and women than for it. Those benefits came at the expense of women, people of color, the lower classes, and the citizens of foreign nations.
Millionaire publishers like Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph promoted those wars to sell papers, while investors like Henry Cabot Lodge eager to eliminate Spanish restrictions on transoceanic trade pushed them through Congress. To feed starving families, they learned to live with the constant danger of hazardous working conditions imposed by rich employers looking to cut costs conditions mirrored in the factories that rely upon immigrant labor today.The Causes and Character of the American Revolution.
Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press (American branch), Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press (American branch), The Royal Commission on the Losses and Services of American Loyalists, —.
The results of the Revolutionary War, like the Constitution and Declaration of Independence, are where we root our values, our laws, and our society. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia by Woody Holton is a book about the various causes of entry into the war by %(8).
The Industrial Revolution - The Industrial Revolution The Industrial Revolution is a term usually applied to the social and economic changes that mark the transition from a stable agricultural and commercial society, to a modern industrial society relying on complex machinery rather than tools. In his book Forced Founders Indians, Debtors, Slaves and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia Woody Holton tries to give a " study of some (not all) of the causes (not the effects) of Virginia's Revolution.".
Memoirs of the American Revolution: A concise description of the rise and progress of the American Revolution in South Carolina and neighboring states. Charleston: Ayer Company Publisher, Reprint, Bedford, MA: Applewood Books, I am trying to find information on a person who lived before and during the American Revolution.
I remember seeing a footnote about this person's life in a documentary once, but that was a couple years ago and I do not remember his name. Woody Holton, Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, American Indians and the Law.